Chinese traders and sailors began trickling into the United States in the mid eighteenth century; while this population was largely transient, small numbers stayed in New York and married. Beginning in the mid nineteenth century, Chinese arrived in significant numbers, lured to the Pacific coast of the United States by the stories of "Gold Mountain" California during the gold rush of the 1840s and 1850s and brought by labor brokers to build the Central Pacific Railroad. Most arrived expecting to spend a few years working, thus earning enough money to return to China, build a house and marry.
中國貿易商和水手十八世紀中葉開始流入美國;而這個人口基本上是短暫的，少數人留在紐約結婚。從十九世紀中葉開始，中國人大量湧入美國太平洋海岸，由加州金山“金山”的故事引起了十八世紀四十年代和八十年代的淘金熱，並由勞工經紀人搭建中太平洋鐵路。大多數人預計會花費幾年的時間，從而賺到足夠的錢回到中國，建房子和結婚。
As the gold mines began yielding less and the railroad neared completion, the broad availability of cheap and willing Chinese labor in such industries as cigar-rolling and textiles became a source of tension for white laborers, who thought that the Chinese were coming to take their jobs and threaten their livelihoods. Mob violence and rampant discrimination in the west drove the Chinese east into larger cities, where job opportunities were more open and they could more easily blend into the already diverse population. By 1880, the burgeoning enclave in the Five Points slums on the south east side of New York was home to between 200 and 1,100 Chinese. A few members of a group of Chinese illegally smuggled into New Jersey in the late 1870s to work in a hand laundry soon made the move to New York, sparking an explosion of Chinese hand laundries.
隨著金礦開始減產，鐵路即將完工，白雪皚皚的紡織行業，諸如雪茄滾筒和紡織品等行業的廉價勞動力廣泛得到廣泛普及，成為白人勞動力緊張的根源。 工作和威脅他們的生計。 西方的暴力和猖獗歧視驅使中國東部進入大城市，就業機會更加開放，更容易融入已經多元化的人口。 到1880年，紐約東南部五點貧民窟的蓬勃發展的飛地就有200到1,100名中國人。 一些在十七世紀七十年代末非法走私入紐澤西的中國一批中國人的一些成員很快就搬到了紐約，引發了中國洗的爆炸式爆炸。
From the start, Chinese immigrants tended to clump together as a result of both racial discrimination, which dictated safety in numbers, and self-segregation. Unlike many ethnic ghettos of immigrants, Chinatown was largely self-supporting, with an internal structure of governing associations and businesses which supplied jobs, economic aid, social service, and protection. Rather than disintegrating as immigrants assimilated and moved out and up, Chinatown continued to grow through the end of the nineteenth century, providing contacts and living arrangements usually 5-15 people in a two room apartment subdivided into segments for the recent immigrants who continued to trickle in despite the enactment of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.
從一開始，中國移民由於種族歧視而混在一起，這種歧視決定了數量的安全和自我隔離。 唐人街與許多移民少數民族居民不同，主要是自給自足，內部有治理協會和企業的結構，提供就業，經濟援助，社會服務和保護。 唐人街在十九世紀末繼續發展，而不是分解為移民，而是在十九世紀末繼續發展，提供接觸和生活安排，通常5-15人在兩間房間細分為最近移民繼續流淌的細分 儘管1882年頒布了“排斥華人法”。
The Chinese Exclusion Act (1882-1943), to date the only non-wartime federal law which excluded a people based on nationality, was a reaction to rising anti-Chinese sentiment. This resentment was largely a result of the willingness of the Chinese to work for far less money under far worse conditions than the white laborers and the unwillingness to "assimilate properly". The law forbids naturalization by any Chinese already in the United States; bars the immigration of any Chinese not given a special work permit deeming him merchant, student, or diplomat; and, most horribly, prohibits the immigration of the wives and children of Chinese laborers living in the United States. The Exclusion Act grew more and more restrictive over the following decades, and was finally lifted during World War II, only when such a racist law against a wartime ally became an untenable option.
“排斥華人法”（1882-1943）迄今為止，唯一一個以民族為由排除了人民的非戰時聯邦法，是對反華情緒的反應。 這種怨恨主要是由於中國人在比白人勞動條件差的條件下工作的錢要少得多，不願意“適當地吸收”。 任何中國人已經在美國禁止入籍法律; 禁止任何中國人的移民不給予特別工作許可證，認為他是商人，學生或外交官; 最可怕的是，禁止移民到居住在美國的中國勞工的妻子和子女。 “排斥華人法”在接下來的幾十年中越來越受到限制，在第二次世界大戰期間終於解除了，只有當這樣一個反對戰時盟友的種族主義法案成為一個不屈不撓的選擇。
The already imbalanced male-female ratio in Chinatown was radically worsened by the Exclusion Act and in 1900 there were only 40-150 women for the upwards of 7,000 Chinese living in Manhattan. This altered and unnatural social landscape in Chinatown led to its role as the Bachelor's Society with rumors of opium dens, prostitution and slave girls deepening the white antagonism toward the Chinese. In keeping with Chinese tradition and in the face of sanctioned U.S. government and individual hostility the Chinese of Chinatown formed their own associations and societies to protect their own interests. An underground economy allowed undocumented laborers to work illegally without leaving the few blocks they called home.
唐人街男女比例已經不平衡，“排斥華人法”已經嚴重惡化，1900年，在曼哈頓居住的7000多名華人中，只有40-150名女性。 唐人街這種改變和不自然的社會景觀，導致了謠言的鴉片房，妓女和奴隸女孩，深化對華人的白色對抗。 符合中國傳統，面對美國政府和個人敵意的製裁，唐人街的中國人組建了自己的協會和社會來保護自己的利益。 地下經濟允許無證勞動者非法勞動，而不留下他們稱之為家的幾個街區。
An internal political structure comprised of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association and various tongs, or fraternal organizations, managed the opening of businesses, made funeral arrangements, and mediated disputes, among other responsibilities. The CCBA, an umbrella organization which drafted its own constitution, imposed taxes on all New York Chinese, and ruled Chinatown throughout the early and mid twentieth century, represented the elite of Chinatown; the tongs formed protective and social associations for the less wealthy. The On Leong and Hip Sing tongs warred periodically through the early 1900s, waging bloody battles that left both tourists and residents afraid to walk the streets of Chinatown.
由國仁慈協會和各種兄弟組織組成的內部政治體制，管理企業開放，葬禮安排，調解糾紛等職責。 CCBA是起草自己的憲法的傘式組織，對所有紐約中國人徵稅，並在二十世紀早期至二十世紀中葉統治唐人街，代表唐人街的精英; 鉗子形成了保護和社會協會，為不太富裕。 梁振興和嘻哈鉗在二十世紀初期定期出現，發動血腥戰爭，使遊客和居民都不敢走上唐人街的街道。
When the Exclusion Act was finally lifted in 1943, China was given a small immigration quota, and the community continued to grow, expanding slowly throughout the '40s and '50s. The garment industry, the hand-laundry business, and restaurants continued to employ Chinese internally, paying less than minimum wage under the table to thousands. Despite the view of the Chinese as members of a model minority, Chinatown's Chinese came largely from the mainland, and were viewed as the downtown Chinese, "as opposed the Taiwan-educated uptown Chinese, members of the Chinese elite."
1943年“排除法”終於解除後，中國獲得了小額移民配額，社區在40年代和50年代繼續增長緩慢。 服裝業，手洗業務和餐飲業在內地持續使用中文，支付低於桌上的最低工資上千。 儘管中國人認為中國人是少數民族，但唐人街的中國人主要來自大陸，被視為中國的華人，而不是台灣受過教育的華人華人，中國精英的成員。
When the quota was raised in 1968, Chinese flooded into the country from the mainland, and Chinatown's population exploded, expanding into Little Italy, often buying buildings with cash and turning them into garment factories or office buildings. Although many of the buildings in Chinatown are tenements from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the rents in Chinatown are some of the highest in the city, competing with the Upper West Side and midtown. Foreign investment from Hong Kong has poured capital into Chinatown, and the little space there is a precious commodity.
1968年，當配額增加時，中國人從大陸湧入國內，唐人街人口爆炸，擴大到小意大利，通常以現金購買建築物，並將其變成服裝廠或辦公樓。 雖然唐人街許多建築物是十九世紀末二十世紀初的物業單位，唐人街的租金也是城市中最高的，與上西區和中城競爭。 來自香港的外商投資已經將資本投向了唐人街，這裡的空間很小，是一種珍貴的商品。
中國貿易商和水手十八世紀中葉開始流入美國;而這個人口基本上是短暫的，少數人留在紐約結婚。從十九世紀中葉開始，中國人大量湧入美國太平洋海岸，由加州金山“金山”的故事引起了十八世紀四十年代和八十年代的淘金熱，並由勞工經紀人搭建中太平洋鐵路。大多數人預計會花費幾年的時間，從而賺到足夠的錢回到中國，建房子和結婚。
As the gold mines began yielding less and the railroad neared completion, the broad availability of cheap and willing Chinese labor in such industries as cigar-rolling and textiles became a source of tension for white laborers, who thought that the Chinese were coming to take their jobs and threaten their livelihoods. Mob violence and rampant discrimination in the west drove the Chinese east into larger cities, where job opportunities were more open and they could more easily blend into the already diverse population. By 1880, the burgeoning enclave in the Five Points slums on the south east side of New York was home to between 200 and 1,100 Chinese. A few members of a group of Chinese illegally smuggled into New Jersey in the late 1870s to work in a hand laundry soon made the move to New York, sparking an explosion of Chinese hand laundries.
隨著金礦開始減產，鐵路即將完工，白雪皚皚的紡織行業，諸如雪茄滾筒和紡織品等行業的廉價勞動力廣泛得到廣泛普及，成為白人勞動力緊張的根源。 工作和威脅他們的生計。 西方的暴力和猖獗歧視驅使中國東部進入大城市，就業機會更加開放，更容易融入已經多元化的人口。 到1880年，紐約東南部五點貧民窟的蓬勃發展的飛地就有200到1,100名中國人。 一些在十七世紀七十年代末非法走私入紐澤西的中國一批中國人的一些成員很快就搬到了紐約，引發了中國洗的爆炸式爆炸。
From the start, Chinese immigrants tended to clump together as a result of both racial discrimination, which dictated safety in numbers, and self-segregation. Unlike many ethnic ghettos of immigrants, Chinatown was largely self-supporting, with an internal structure of governing associations and businesses which supplied jobs, economic aid, social service, and protection. Rather than disintegrating as immigrants assimilated and moved out and up, Chinatown continued to grow through the end of the nineteenth century, providing contacts and living arrangements usually 5-15 people in a two room apartment subdivided into segments for the recent immigrants who continued to trickle in despite the enactment of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.
從一開始，中國移民由於種族歧視而混在一起，這種歧視決定了數量的安全和自我隔離。 唐人街與許多移民少數民族居民不同，主要是自給自足，內部有治理協會和企業的結構，提供就業，經濟援助，社會服務和保護。 唐人街在十九世紀末繼續發展，而不是分解為移民，而是在十九世紀末繼續發展，提供接觸和生活安排，通常5-15人在兩間房間細分為最近移民繼續流淌的細分 儘管1882年頒布了“排斥華人法”。
The Chinese Exclusion Act (1882-1943), to date the only non-wartime federal law which excluded a people based on nationality, was a reaction to rising anti-Chinese sentiment. This resentment was largely a result of the willingness of the Chinese to work for far less money under far worse conditions than the white laborers and the unwillingness to "assimilate properly". The law forbids naturalization by any Chinese already in the United States; bars the immigration of any Chinese not given a special work permit deeming him merchant, student, or diplomat; and, most horribly, prohibits the immigration of the wives and children of Chinese laborers living in the United States. The Exclusion Act grew more and more restrictive over the following decades, and was finally lifted during World War II, only when such a racist law against a wartime ally became an untenable option.
“排斥華人法”（1882-1943）迄今為止，唯一一個以民族為由排除了人民的非戰時聯邦法，是對反華情緒的反應。 這種怨恨主要是由於中國人在比白人勞動條件差的條件下工作的錢要少得多，不願意“適當地吸收”。 任何中國人已經在美國禁止入籍法律; 禁止任何中國人的移民不給予特別工作許可證，認為他是商人，學生或外交官; 最可怕的是，禁止移民到居住在美國的中國勞工的妻子和子女。 “排斥華人法”在接下來的幾十年中越來越受到限制，在第二次世界大戰期間終於解除了，只有當這樣一個反對戰時盟友的種族主義法案成為一個不屈不撓的選擇。
The already imbalanced male-female ratio in Chinatown was radically worsened by the Exclusion Act and in 1900 there were only 40-150 women for the upwards of 7,000 Chinese living in Manhattan. This altered and unnatural social landscape in Chinatown led to its role as the Bachelor's Society with rumors of opium dens, prostitution and slave girls deepening the white antagonism toward the Chinese. In keeping with Chinese tradition and in the face of sanctioned U.S. government and individual hostility the Chinese of Chinatown formed their own associations and societies to protect their own interests. An underground economy allowed undocumented laborers to work illegally without leaving the few blocks they called home.
唐人街男女比例已經不平衡，“排斥華人法”已經嚴重惡化，1900年，在曼哈頓居住的7000多名華人中，只有40-150名女性。 唐人街這種改變和不自然的社會景觀，導致了謠言的鴉片房，妓女和奴隸女孩，深化對華人的白色對抗。 符合中國傳統，面對美國政府和個人敵意的製裁，唐人街的中國人組建了自己的協會和社會來保護自己的利益。 地下經濟允許無證勞動者非法勞動，而不留下他們稱之為家的幾個街區。
An internal political structure comprised of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association and various tongs, or fraternal organizations, managed the opening of businesses, made funeral arrangements, and mediated disputes, among other responsibilities. The CCBA, an umbrella organization which drafted its own constitution, imposed taxes on all New York Chinese, and ruled Chinatown throughout the early and mid twentieth century, represented the elite of Chinatown; the tongs formed protective and social associations for the less wealthy. The On Leong and Hip Sing tongs warred periodically through the early 1900s, waging bloody battles that left both tourists and residents afraid to walk the streets of Chinatown.
由國仁慈協會和各種兄弟組織組成的內部政治體制，管理企業開放，葬禮安排，調解糾紛等職責。 CCBA是起草自己的憲法的傘式組織，對所有紐約中國人徵稅，並在二十世紀早期至二十世紀中葉統治唐人街，代表唐人街的精英; 鉗子形成了保護和社會協會，為不太富裕。 梁振興和嘻哈鉗在二十世紀初期定期出現，發動血腥戰爭，使遊客和居民都不敢走上唐人街的街道。
When the Exclusion Act was finally lifted in 1943, China was given a small immigration quota, and the community continued to grow, expanding slowly throughout the '40s and '50s. The garment industry, the hand-laundry business, and restaurants continued to employ Chinese internally, paying less than minimum wage under the table to thousands. Despite the view of the Chinese as members of a model minority, Chinatown's Chinese came largely from the mainland, and were viewed as the downtown Chinese, "as opposed the Taiwan-educated uptown Chinese, members of the Chinese elite."
1943年“排除法”終於解除後，中國獲得了小額移民配額，社區在40年代和50年代繼續增長緩慢。 服裝業，手洗業務和餐飲業在內地持續使用中文，支付低於桌上的最低工資上千。 儘管中國人認為中國人是少數民族，但唐人街的中國人主要來自大陸，被視為中國的華人，而不是台灣受過教育的華人華人，中國精英的成員。
When the quota was raised in 1968, Chinese flooded into the country from the mainland, and Chinatown's population exploded, expanding into Little Italy, often buying buildings with cash and turning them into garment factories or office buildings. Although many of the buildings in Chinatown are tenements from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the rents in Chinatown are some of the highest in the city, competing with the Upper West Side and midtown. Foreign investment from Hong Kong has poured capital into Chinatown, and the little space there is a precious commodity.
1968年，當配額增加時，中國人從大陸湧入國內，唐人街人口爆炸，擴大到小意大利，通常以現金購買建築物，並將其變成服裝廠或辦公樓。 雖然唐人街許多建築物是十九世紀末二十世紀初的物業單位，唐人街的租金也是城市中最高的，與上西區和中城競爭。 來自香港的外商投資已經將資本投向了唐人街，這裡的空間很小，是一種珍貴的商品。
1960 5 Mott Street
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